The Face Coverings (Regulation) Bill

The Face Coverings (Regulation) Bill, introduced by Philip Hollobone MP (Conservative – Kettering), has had its first reading.

Given Mr Hollobone’s previous statements that the burka is ‘against the British way of life’ and ‘offensive’, it is fairly clear to me what its intent is.

Three points.

Firstly, this is deeply illiberal. I shouldn’t need to say much more, but I will. I understand that there are times – airport security, for instance – where we do need to make sure that the person matches the passport and we seem to be managing just fine with providing an area where people who wear the burka can be identified and so on. However, if people are just going about their daily business, I think they should be able to wear more or less what they want. Short of that, this must rank as an extraordinary expansion of the writ of the state and I don’t want the introduction of some sort of sumptuary law.

Secondly, this isn’t the way to go about it. If we assume that the burka is indicative of oppression and isolation, I don’t see how a ban will remediate the situation. If the premise is that women are oppressed and forced to wear the burka, they can be compelled to remain at home or only leave it occasionally. If the premise is that they are an isolated community, ditto, with the additional bonus of feeding into the extremists’ (al-Mujahiroun, the Daily Express…) narrative that it is impossible to reconcile being British with being a Muslim. Mr Hollobone and his fellow-travellers in UKIP haven’t talked about education or reaching out, just about bans.

Thidly, unintended consequences. It is far too easy for me to see how a badly-worded bill could lead to situations like welders’ masks having to be removed if you’re not welding for more than half a minute and not being able to dress up as a ghost for Hallowe’en. The alternative is to specify that this law only applies to Muslim women.

Ultimately, I don’t think this is about covering one’s face. I think that is being used as a proxy for Islamophobia.

I find this proposal abhorrent and I’m glad to say that, as Mr Hollobone came seventeenth out of twenty in the ballot for Private Members’ Bills, I don’t think it stands any real chance of making progress. The second reading will be on December 3rd, by which point the text of the bill should be available.

xD.

Godstone Farm: in defence of health and safety

You have to feel sorry for anyone involved with ‘elf ‘n safety.

Whenever they get it right, they are joyless jobsworths sucking all the pleasure out of life. When they get it wrong, they are criticised for putting children at risk; viz., Godstone Farm.

The short version of the story is that Godstone Farm, a petting farm, did not have adequate measures in place to prevent people, principally children, from picking up diseases from animal dung. Ninety-three people became ill as a result of infection with a nasty strain of E. coli, O157, and it seems that some of the children who were infected will require dialysis for the rest of their lives. Insufficient attention given to handwashing at the farm seems to have been the original cause, coupled with an inadequate response from the Health Protection Agency. The independent Griffin Investigation reported yesterday.

I would make a few points about what might be considered by some to be unwarranted intrusion on our ancient liberties and so on.

Firstly, it’s not obvious. Just because it’s obvious to you (and as a reader of this blog, I can only assume that you are of quite exquisite intellect and positively overflowing with common sense) doesn’t mean it’s obvious to everyone. While I was aware that rolling in cow dung was probably not a good idea, it’s easy enough to see how the meme about children needing to get exposure to pathogens to strengthen their immune systems coupled with a lack of knowledge about, say, E. coli could lead parents to think the risks are lower than they are; in this case, there was a particular criticism that the risk was considered lower than it should be as, although the probability of it happening was low, the outcomes could be very negative. Moreover,

Secondly, people are used to a certain level of safety. Although we have evolutionary predispositions to react to certain dangers (in my case, to jump out of my skin when I see, hear or suspect a dog), we live in a relatively benign world. People are used to their environments being safe; strangely enough, we don’t like our gas pipes to leak or our computers to electrocute us, so there are systems and processes in place to prevent that and countless other dangers. The result is that we blithely go about our business, perhaps without remembering that there are dangers out there.

Thirdly, it’s about providing information so people can make decisions; in this case, providing better signage and information about handwashing.

Fourthly, if we’re going to draw a line, we have to err on the side of caution.

Fifthly, there have to be systems in place to deal with, for instance, outbreaks like this. The Griffin Investigation talks about greater awareness and co-operation between organisations involved with healthcare near Godstone Farm in particular and open farms in general. It would be very easy for that to be criticised as ‘excessive bureaucracy’ or somesuch. It’s too easy to criticise something where a successful outcome is ‘nothing happening’.

Sixthly, a lot is blamed on health and safety as it is a convenient and believable excuse. I happen to think, for instance, that people should have healthy and safe workplaces and so there are some rules and regulations (turns out asbestos is a bad idea). More frequent than this, I would warrant, are people using ‘elf and safety because they want to avoid litigation or just don’t understand why something has been done.

Yes, there are mistakes; I suspect, though, that the media take those few examples of poor decision-making and represent them as symptomatic of the entire health and safety culture, leading people to think that there are armies of clipboard-equipped bureaucrats just waiting, after a risk assessment, to jump out and ban whatever it is you enjoy doing.

xD.

PS Before anyone says anything, I know this came under the remit of the HPA rather than the HSE, but the points stand.

Blog Nation: what would I like to see discussed

Sunny ‘Liberal Conspiracy’ Hundal is organising a follow-up to 2008’s successful ‘Blog Nation’ event. Details over at Liberal Conspiracy, but Sunny asks what we’d like to discuss; below the fold, then, are some thoughts.

In terms of logistics, I would make three suggestions. Given the layout, it’s important that each table isn’t talking amongst itself thereby making so much noise that you can’t hear the speaker. Secondly, there are two breakout rooms. I would like to see the two used for an hour each for anyone to stand up a present an idea for five minutes. Thirdly, I’d like to see it recorded and ideally live streamed. Certainly, the plenary sessions could be on uStream or BlogTV.

Continue reading “Blog Nation: what would I like to see discussed”

Against recall elections

Recall elections are a bad idea. They would lead to homogenised, bland, UHT-milk MPs who are unwilling or unable to take on controversial or unpopular issues.

So far as I could tell, the three party leaders have come out in favour of recall elections to remove ‘corrupt’ MPs. The mechanism, as I understand it, would involve collecting a given number of signatures of electors requesting a recall vote. I welcome the sentiment, but I can’t help but feel that this is what Jay and Lynn called the Politician’s Syllogism:

  1. We must do something
  2. This is something
  3. Therefore we must do it

The idea is simple enough; if an MP has had their hand in the till, so to speak, their constituents should have the opportunity to remove them sooner than the next election. Implicit in this is the idea that something like the Standards Board for England (which for some reason has been renamed Standards for England) or the Committee on Standards in Public life or similar should not be able to remove an MP from office. I presume the assumption here is that only electors should have the right to cashier their elected representative. Following on from the suspension of Ken Livingstone, against which he successfully appealed, there was a general sentiment that it was undemocratic for the Standards Board to be able to suspend him for four weeks, let alone remove him from office.

All well and good so far.

If the principle stands that only electors can cashier their MP, their cannot be a gatekeeper, either. If the vote were dependent on someone agreeing that there was a case to answer, they would effectively have a veto on the will of the people. If the did not exercise said veto, they would be making it impossible for that MP to win the recall election as they would have given a huge amount of ammunition to the opposition as well as encouraging that MP’s party to tap said MP on the shoulder and invite them to step aside for the good of the party. Either way, you set up what you are trying to avoid – an unelected body that can fire the elected.

The result, then, is not just a means of getting rid of corrupt MPs but a general ability to recall MPs. That is profoundly dangerous in the current political climate.

We have recently seen Birmingham Hall Green Labour run a leaflet against the LibDems on the basis that the latter feel prisoners should have the right to vote. Imagine if an with a marginal seat were to promote something unpopular but right in Parliament; this would be license to threaten a recall.

Add to this mix demagogues like Nadine Dorries. In the run up to the votes on restricting abortion, Ms Dorries said on her website:

Each day, I am going to highlight MPs who may need to think very seriously when voting on the issue of reducing the upper limit to 20 weeks, because if they don’t, they may see their majorities wiped out at the next election.

Dorries was saying that she felt abortion was an issue that could cost MPs their seats, that she would seek to make it cost MPs their seats if they didn’t vote with her and that she would organise to that effect. Fortunately for us, she is incompetent, but abortion remains an emotive issue. It is a conscience vote in Parliament because there’s no point whipping for most MPs, as it’s a die-in-the-ditch issue. The same is true outside Parliament, and more so when someone is whipping people into a frenzy. It is the sort of issue where someone like Dorries might try to make headway.

It is not the only emotive issue. It’s really not hard for me to see how, at the time of the fox-hunting ban, outraged country-folk, seeing the issue as tantamount to an abuse of the constitution, antient liberties and all that, would take anything available.

I’m going back to Burke’s Speech to the Electors of Bristol to sum up my feeling:

it ought to be the happiness and glory of a representative to live in the strictest union, the closest correspondence, and the most unreserved communication with his constituents. Their wishes ought to have great weight with him; their opinion, high respect; their business, unremitted attention. It is his duty to sacrifice his repose, his pleasures, his satisfactions, to theirs; and above all, ever, and in all cases, to prefer their interest to his own. But his unbiassed opinion, his mature judgment, his enlightened conscience, he ought not to sacrifice to you, to any man, or to any set of men living. These he does not derive from your pleasure; no, nor from the law and the constitution. They are a trust from Providence, for the abuse of which he is deeply answerable. Your representative owes you, not his industry only, but his judgment; and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your opinion.

The argument against this would that political culture would militate against it. The theory would go that people would not sign up for a recall election just because they didn’t like their MP or their policies and, if one was triggered inappropriately, would vote against it. I’m afraid, though, that I don’t believe it. Along with deferential voting and strong party connections, playing by the spirit rather than the letter has gone the way of the dodo.

Add to the mix the charming fourth estate in the UK, and you have a heady cocktail of populism, demagoguery and yellow journalism that can combine to ensure that we have the blandest possible MPs with no capacity for independent thought.

I’m not sure I actually agree with the above, but I think the argument may be sound and is at least worth considering. It certainly should not be put through on the nod in the early part of the next Parliament.

xD.

What difference does political blogging really make? #wsitp

The Westminster Skeptics in the Pub gathered last night in a different pub, the Old Monk, for a different type of event- a discussion on ‘what difference does political blogging really make?’

The evening focussed around a couple of questions; what is the relationship between traditional journalism and blogging, and is it sustainable; and what influence do blogs actually have? The event certainly attracted a diverse crowd, many of whom were new to Skeptics in the Pub, which is to be welcomed, and BBC Parliament were there to record proceedings for posterity.

A writeup follows below, but I will start with some general comments.

Although I enjoyed listening to Nick Cohen, Mick Fealty and Sunny Hundall, I’m afraid that I found Jonathan Isaby to be unremarkable; he seems to be a better writer than he is a speaker, although I suspect that he was restricted, for one reason or another, in what he could say.

As for Paul Staines, I cannot do better than David Colquhoun’s tweet

On way home from #sitp polital blogging. Learned that Guido serious about nothing but Guido. Narcisist not journailist.

Being something of a political nerd, it’s no surprise that I blog a bit, and I’ve heard all the points that were made at the event before. It comes down to the funding model for blogging vs volunteerism and whether blogging complements or replaces traditional journalism. Different people have different views. This is not a simple case of the jury still being out, but something more fundamental.

There is no such thing as blogging.

There isn’t even any such thing as political blogging. As we know, there are blogs that concern themselves with everything under the Sun and a little bit more mixing of sometimes siloed conversations would be good. Political blogging could certainly benefit from a healthy dose of skepticism.

However, to group even all political blogs together makes as much sense as saying that the Financial Times, the Daily Sport, the New Statesman and the Downing Street Years should be grouped together because they’re all printed on paper.

There are, within the political realm, blogs that range from the single issue to the generalist, from the ultra-local to the global. They aim to inform, provoke and proselytise. If we look at the question – what difference does political blogging really make – we can’t just look at the Westminster bubble or even just national politics. We have to look with much more detail and much finer granularity to gauge the differences between UK-wide, London, Northern Irish and so on blogging. I am convinced that the distinctive blogospheres in London, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland are to do with the devolution of powers to those regions and that further regional blogging will only take off in concert with devolution of powers from Westminster regarding England.

Equally, a blog like the excellent Jack of Kent, focussing on legal matters, is only tangentially part of the main political blogosphere when it should, IMHO, be required reading. Ditto Ben Goldacre and various others.

Moreover, other social media, particularly Twitter, act as a force multiplier so that a given story or action can be replicated by many people with ease and speed.

Anyway, vesti la giubba; a writeup follows beneath the fold.

UPDATE 10 Feb – Sunny ‘Liberal Conspiracy‘ Hundall and Mark Reckons weigh in.

Continue reading “What difference does political blogging really make? #wsitp”

The marriage bonus and the Social Attitudes Survey

The findings of the British Social Attitudes Survey make interesting reading, particularly in light of the off-again, on-again proposal from the Conservatives to privilege marriage in the tax code. Needless to say, I think it’s a bad idea, but I wonder how much traction it would actually have with people.

Britain is becoming more liberal in its views about how people live their lives
For example, cohabitation is becoming increasingly acceptable. 45% in 2006 agreed that it ‘makes no difference to children whether their parents are married to each other or just living together’, up from 38% in 1998. This is because younger generations, who have more tolerant views, are replacing older, less tolerant, ones. It is also because people’s views are shaped by their own experiences. Even the most traditional generations are becoming more liberal, reflecting their own experiences, or those of their children and grandchildren.

Essentially, an increasingly large population really couldn’t care that much about whether people are married or not. Assuming the survey is accurate and 45% think that ‘makes no difference to children whether their parents are married to each other or just living together’, I assume another chunk of people will fall into the ‘doesn’t make much difference’ and ‘makes a difference but not enough to justify tax breaks’ categories. I wonder, therefore, how many people will be that impressed by the marriage allowance. Of course, the survey doesn’t show how many people would be actively annoyed – like myself – by the proposal.

The other takeaway, for me, is that this looks like an continuing trend. People are going to approve, or at least not disapprove, of what they see their own kith and kin doing; as more people cohabit and don’t marry, it becomes harder to be vocally opposed to the concept. Equally, a lot – if I read the survey correctly – of those who might have (what could be termed) traditional values are, quite literally, a dying breed.

Without wanting to get all mushy, a small bribe would have made precisely no difference to my having married my wife. Indeed, I would be slightly concerned for the longevity of a relationship that could be bought for such a low figure. Of course, no-one argues that; rather, the argument goes that marriage is good and so we should give it an acknowledgement, albeit a token one. I find that idea plain daft. Marriage is already legally privileged – it’s a contract approved by the state – and socially privileged. Moreover, I see no reason why different-sex marriage is different in any meaningful way to same-sex marriage. I might even go so far as to say that the state has no business getting involved in what is, legally, a contract between two people. If we wish to support families, I’d rather the money followed the children that became attached to the existence of a marriage contract.

xD.

The goose that laid the leaden egg

UK plc is not in a great state and today’s PBR is a recognition that recovery is not just around the corner.

We are in a worse condition than our G20 peers; alone still in recession and with three quarters of recession ahead of us. The question to be asked is why we are particularly affected.

Did Gordon Brown make mistakes during his Chancellorship? Of course he did. I think pushing PFI has to be up there; that having been said, we did have a good decade and independence for the Bank of England is recognised on all sides as having been a good move. With the wonder of hindsight, we might criticise the Second Lord of the Treasury for having stuck to Conservative spending plans for the first few years of the first Blair government; it seemed prudent at the time. General management of the economy was good.

What, then, has led us to this parlous state?

Put simply, it is over-reliance on the City. We were over-reliant on the City for growth, jobs and tax revenue. We thought the goose would keep laying golden eggs, so we didn’t support manufacturing and industry. Metalbashing seemed so twentieth century. There is a term for a country that over-relies on a single export – banana republic. Christopher Hitchens’ definition is worrying in its accuracy: “a money class fleeces the banking system while the very trunk of the national tree is permitted to rot and crash”.

If this crisis had been in car manufacture, perhaps Germany would now be worst hit, mutatis mutandis for other G20 states, with the caveat that they weren’t as reliant as we were on our bananas of choice.

All of a sudden, we have rediscovered metalbashing and decided it’s a jolly good idea after all. All of a sudden, we have realised that relying overly on a single industry is a bad idea. Pity that it has taken a crisis in the very industry we chose to make us realise that we were rather closer to a banana republic than we thought!

Let us look now at the architects of our downfall; where as the Spartan, Dracontius, accepted his exile, the bankers want rewards – from us!

If Labour made mistakes in its administration of the economy, they came from being too close to the policies of the current opposition and I do not think a further move towards laissez-faire is warranted.

I’m not going to be making much of Osborne and Cameron’s crocodile tears; the crash is as much of their ideological making as anyone else’s; they made the wrong calls in crises; and the last thing we need is a return to their policies for the economy. Yes, my party made mistakes; they were the same mistakes a Conservative government would have made; we were both wrong but at least Labour appears to be recognising the fact.

xD.

The London polity

The London Evening Standard is to become a freesheet, the BBC report. thelondonpaper was pulled by News International last month. We are now down to three, non-specialist, London-wide newspapers, the ES, London Lite and Metro. I’m excluding things like Sport, Shortlist and City AM.

This is not good. We will shortly only have two newspapers in London. Television and radio news for London is largely a joke, with the possible exception of the City Hall slot on BBC1’s Politics Show.

London has a population on the order of seven and one-half million. If it were an independent country, it would rank ninety-second out of two hundred odd, behind Burundi and ahead of Switzerland. In terms of GDP per capita, it would be third, behind Luxembourg and ahead of Norway. It is a population, financial and cultural centre. In other words, London matters. From the point of view of the UK, London really matters. What happens within London matters. The politics and governance of London matter.

However, there is no London polity. It is starting to develop on the internet, but the lack of coverage of London politics in traditional outlets (including, I would add, the Standard) suggests that the desire for coverage of the politics of the city is not yet there (or at least not yet recognised). Of course, it’s hard to see to what extent that desire exists, or to generate it, without that coverage. We find ourselves in a catch-22. I think that greater awareness of the existence of London as an important political entity below the national, UK level would be a good thing, for the reasons I describe above. Perhaps the development of some sort of London national sentiment would help, although that has historically required the generation of an imagined community through what Benedict Anderson refers to as print capitalism. Given that we need better and wider supervision of London governance in order to make the same London governance work, I think we have to use the inelegant principle that when you have them by the balls, their hearts and minds will follow; perhaps giving powers to London similar to those Wales had after the first devolution might be a start.

xD.

UPDATE 1550 – I’d like to flag up a couple of posts relating to the London Evening Standard by the Tory Troll and 853.

The influence of the Crown

On the 6th April [1780], Mr. Dunning moved … ‘that the influence of the crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished.’

– Erskine May, The Constitutional History of England since the Accession of George III, Ch. 1, available free online here.

If the constitutional settlement that comes down to us from the Glorious Revolution and the 1689 Bill of Rights means anything, it is that the Crown does not interfere in the political life of the country – no political patronage, no advocacy and certainly no interfering with democracy. The heir apparent cannot be separated from the reigning monarch for three reasons. Firstly, it would be too easy for the heir apparent to be a means for the monarch to avoid the restrictions on their action. Secondly, the heir apparent receives a stipend from the state and the Duchy of Cornwall; they are bound by the same constitutional principles as the monarch. Thirdly, they can effectively give the imprimatur of the state – without recourse to Parliament.

It is worth remembering that the first grievance in the Bill of Rights reads

Whereas the late King … did endeavour to subvert and extirpate … the laws and liberties of this kingdom; by assuming and exercising a power of dispensing with and suspending of laws and the execution of laws without consent of Parliament

While it might no longer be a matter of life and death, Chelsea Barracks is the largest urban brownfield site in the EU and were sold for £959m – no trifle. Moreover, the Prince’s actions over Chelsea Barracks are an interference in the lawful action of a private citizen in a manner not approved by Parliament.

Prince Charles, as we know, has been interfering in the democratic process by advocating his preferred architects*. However, it goes beyond this.

Through the Prince’s Foundation for Integrated Health, there is criticism with a crest of ‘orthodox’ medicine and advocacy of homeopathy and chiropractic, amongst others.

Through the Prince’s Foundation for the Built Environment, there is the promotion of the old against the new.

Through Duchy Originals, there is distortion of the market and a removal of opportunities for small companies to enter the organic market.

I do not mean to diminish in any way the work of the charities supported by the Prince. However, his recent comportment, leading to damage to the constitutional settlement and criticism for his action, can be said to be favourable neither to the charities nor to the country. If the Prince is prepared to make a quiet phone call to advance the interests of one of his favoured architects, who is to say that he will not do the same to force a business’s hand?

All the other activities the Prince undertakes carry the same risk. Advocating these things aren’t necessarily bad – with the exception of the dangerous guff and nonsense spouted about medicine. If, in Bagehot’s phrase, the monarchy is the dignified part of the constitution, they must both remain and be seen to remain dignified; that implies a step’s removal from society. If their cause is worthy, none of the charities supported by the Prince would struggle without his involvement. If they are dependent for survival or eficacy on his involvement, the monarchy is entering into the political realm. I would add that there is a difference between an established society looking for a royal to be a patron, and a royal setting up a society to promote a particular interest.

One day, Charles will be King. It should be clear that intervention by the monarch in a democratic process of our country would provoke a constitutional crisis. I feel that the same principles apply to the heir apparent. I fear that the future King, even if he doesn’t breach this important principle of the constitution, may by his past actions weaken it unless it is made clear that there will be no repeat of the interference. Mr Dunning’s motion of 1780 seems appropriate now.

xD.

* – While that was going on, I was reading Ayn Rand’s The Fountainhead. There seemed to be certain comparisons to be made between the naf style of pastiche favoured by the cultural elite in the novel and those favoured by Prince Charles. Everything has to be old; anything contemporary is a priori bad.

Barnbrook shouldn’t have been suspended

The fearmongering, lying, racist Richard Barnbrook should not be suspended from Barking & Dagenham council.

As Adam ‘Tory Troll’ Bienkov reports, the decision was handed down by a joint standards committee between the GLA and B&D council. Barnbrook put up a mendacious video saying there had been three stabbings in three weeks in LB Barking & Dagenham when there hadn’t and didn’t take the video down when its falsehood was pointed out to him by the police.

Barnbrook and the BNP try to capitalise on knife crime by making facts up and creating London’s Mothers Against Knives – a BNP front group that just coincidentally had a logo very similar to the actual Mothers Against Knives.

Otherwise, the remedial measures I think are rather appropriate. From the GLA, they are formal censure; a requirement to apologise on the GLA website and on his personal blog; to undergo training on ethics and standards in public life. From B&D, they are suspension for one calendar month without pay; requirement to apologise; failure to apologise leading to indefinite suspension. I’m sure that the press and blogs will cover it. The Evening Standard will, with a bit of luck, splash it on its posters.

I simply that is wrong in principle for anyone to be able to cashier an elected representative other than the electorate. Moreover, it makes it far too easy for aspersions to be cast on spurious grounds – and yes, I am thinking back to Ken’s mayoralty here. If an elected representative has to be removed, let there be a recall election, not a second-guessing of democracy.

xD.