The Seventh Seal

I’ve just watched Ingmar Bergman’s classic film, The Seventh Seal. I went though a period a little while ago of buying DVDs on Amazon’s second hand shops, so they were cheap and allowed me to feel good about myself by having that sort of film collection.

Anyway, the film. First off, it’s beautifully filmed. Some of the scenes are iconic, foremost of which are, of course, the various shot of Death and the protagonist, Antonius Block, playing chess. Bergman said that the image of a knight playing chess with Death for his life come from a 1480s painting in the church at Täby in Sweden. The image of death portrayed by Bengt Ekerod has also become a classic and echoes down, being picked up, I would say, as the Emperor in Star Wars and as Fear in the Star Trek: Voyager episode, The Thaw. I know that Star Trek is seen as being geeky, but I really don’t care – I will return to this in another post, though.

Other images come through in the film beyond the chess game. One of the images that really resonated with me was that of the knight speaking at a confessional to who he presumes is a priest about his encounter with death and his chess strategy, thus revealing his position to Death, who he realises is the priest. Bergman’s use of light and shadow is beautiful in and of itself, but the meanings behind single frames are potent indeed. One that stuck in my mind is this:


Block has not yet realised that the priest to whom he confesses is Death, but there are several overlaying symbols that encapsulate the film. Bergman is critical of priests throughout the film for using the plague that is sweeping the land, but this moves it on rather.

First off, the knight is trapped by the bars, away from the ‘priest’. I won’t repeat the centuries-old debate about rood screens and separating the commoners from the priesthood, but this is a depiction of the church as an iron barrier between what humanity, depicted by the knight, seeks and the consolation of knowledge – knowledge that is defined as important by the church.

There is, of course, the fact that the knight mistakes death for the priest. To Bergman, the priest is implicitly death; not to say that the priest directly causes death, but causes a death-in-life by trapping people in their concern about death and a belief in god that they promote to their own benefit – although the priest leads the flagellants, and gains status at least from it, he himself does not take party in the flagellation, preferring to make end-of-the-world predictions and crude rantings about not knowing when you’re going to die.

The obsession that the knight has with god and death comes from the church; it is the church that sent him on his crusade for ten years. I do wonder if there is something in Jöns, the knight’s servant, being atheistic and fatalistic because he had no choice but to follow his master while Block chose, after a fashion, to go on the crusade.

Ultimately, though, Block’s only counsellors are Death, through which he gains the opportunity to commit a meaningful act in allowing the family of artists to escape, and Jöns, through whom he gains an understanding that you can’t change everything and some things, even though they are awful, you can at best only mitigate.

I wonder if the same applies to me; am I trapped into a way of thinking because of my upbringing, in terms of environment, culture and education? I have, at times, tried to think whether an action is moral/good/whatever by thinking from a sort of tabula rasa position but I often end up with positions of which Protestant Christianity would approve. Does the indoctrination of the Church mean that we will end up accepting the moral lessons of all or part of our upbringing as default and convince ourselves that that position is, a priori and possibly without god, right?

Anyway, I shall sign off with a picture of Death.


xD.

Pub Quiz Triumph

Every Monday during the university term at ULU, I play for a team called the Kim Jong-il Appreciation Society in the pub quiz league. Said team has won the league for this term, the prizes being cocktails top trumps, playing cards, a keyring, a hangover eyemask and a hipflask, all branded with Jack Daniel’s (except the keyring, which is Smirnoff). Best of all, though, was a case of beer for each of the six people in the team.

Amusingly, the Jack Daniel’s Cocktails Top Trumps has, on the back, a warning that it is not suitable for children under three. Give that four-year-old a Manhattan.

Just for the record, the final points were:

28 – We Are Scientists
33 – Five Geographers but one of them’s Lost
49 – Lego Fan Club
59 – Team Titwank
68 – The Winning Team
72 – The Left Bollock Collection Fund
83 – Fat Kids are Harder to Kidnap
85 – The Hollow Brains
89 – The Kim Jong-il Appreciation Society

xD.

A gem from the archives

Dennis Skinner is pro-choice. He is sufficiently pro-choice (and, I suspect, keen to expose some of Parliament’s more arcane procedures as such) to organise a three-hour filibuster using the issuance of a writ of election, amongst other tricks, to prevent restrictions on abortion. It should be noted that this was constitutional trickery to prevent constitutional trickery,

The Speaker at one point had to come out with the classic

No, I shall not take a point of order. I shall take the closure motion. I ask the House to listen carefully to the Question. The Question is, That the Question, That the Question be not now put, be now put.

Anyway, here is the debate in all its glory.

xD.

Centre Ground, Common Ground

At the risk of being shot down by an uberblogger, I have to take issue with Iain Dale’s argument that the centre ground is the common ground, mostly because I don’t think either exist.

The centre ground is, presumably, the bit in the middle. The middle of what, I hear you cry. It could be between Labour and the Conservatives. Immediately we run into the problem of both parties having wings and factions.

A redraw might have extra axes closer to or further from the line between the two major parties for the LibDems, SNP, Plaid Cymru, Greens and the rest. Straightaway, we’re seeing that there have to be multiple axes where you can talk about centre ground between two or three parties across the broad sweep of policies, but as you add others in

Moreover, the common ground and the centre ground is not the same thing. The centre position between a unitary state and Scotland and Wales becoming independent might be a federation composed of Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland, London, Yorkshire, the North West, Midlands, East, South and South West. That would probably not be acceptable to many people – the centre ground is not the common ground.

Talking of devolution, I believe I’m right in saying that Nye Bevan (and do please correct me) was in favour of states’ rights in the USA because it was the only way to achieve socialism and a unitary state in the UK because it was the only way to achieve socialism. The more left-wing position is here the same as (if for different reasons) the right-wing party. Equally, Tam Dalyell, poser of the West Lothian Question, opposed devolution.

The common ground is what parties accept as the playing field. We should have, in some form, an NHS etc. The centre ground is an abstract that may not have any philosophical coherence and may be so unpalatable that it is emphatically not the common ground.

xD.

LSE SU Comms Officer Blog

My friend Ali Dewji, Communication Sabbatical Officer at the LSE Students’ Union, has launched a blog at sucomms.blogspot.com. This is an excellent idea. It allows more contact with him, lets him show his reasoning for things and, if and when the Beaver Online starts up properly and assuming they link to the blog, may increase student information and involvement.

xD.

Erik Ringmar

This just came to my attention by way of Facebook.

http://ringmar.net/forgethefootnotes/

Worth looking at. It would appear that the LSE are trying to censor Erik Ringmar, a professor of mine, for his speech to prospective students, in part by demanding he take down his blog.

Will post more when I know what’s going on…

xD.

The BNP

Matt Sinclair echoes Norman Tebbit in saying that the BNP don’t fit on the right and by extension must be of the left.

Giving definitions such as ‘left-wing’ and ‘right-wing’ are not in and of themselves good, but only by the extent of the usefullness.

Is it useful to describe the BNP as right-wing?

I would say that people of the right are generally more attached to nationalist ideas. The left would emphasise class distinctions in its place. The main right-wing party in the UK is officially the Conservative and Unionist Party. While that is entirely probably a historical nomenclature, it is not unreasonable to say that the Conservatives are the more patriotic and more nationalist party. From Enoch Powell’s ‘Rivers of Blood’ to Smethwick, the Conservatives have had the problem of nationalism extending to racism. If that is too far back in time, it might be worth pointing out that Lord Taylor suffered from racist campaigning against him when seeking a parliamentary nomination. One one issue-axis that is the most important to the BNP, it is fair to say that the right, as it manifests itself today, is closer to the BNP than the left. That doesn’t mean they are close to them; it means they are less far away than others. I think that’s why people say that the BNP are far-right.

That having been said, the right is generally in favour of lower taxes, less state intervention and so on. That can certainly not be said of the BNP. In short, describing them as right-wing isn’t useful; extending the positions that the right take to an extreme doesn’t effectively describe the BNP.

Is it useful to describe the BNP as left-wing?

They are more statist than the espoused ideals of the right. I do, however, question that anti-statism of the right. Certainly, there is an ideology (which I am not immune to), but the tendency to want to grow the armed forces and the police – the most coercive elements of the state – suggests that there are statist tendencies, at least among certain parts of the right. Equally, there are traditionalist points of view on the right (and I would add that the BNP are very keen on certain traditions).

Economically, they do have more in common with the left; a greater role for the state and so on. I think the question is why they favour it. I would venture that the BNP are in favour of nationalisation as a secondary means because they see potential support amongst former Labour supporters who want nationalisation. For instance, the BNP favour abolishing all taxes for farmers – a right wing position? – but I would suggest that this is either because they see farmers, in a Francoist manner, as essential to the nation, both economically and because they prefer the rural life or because they see support starting to grow in rural areas and are playing a populist card.

I’m in favour of nationalisation of certain industries because I believe that they are necessary to provide a certain minimum standard of living so that people can exercise their liberty as they see fit. I would venture that the BNP aim to create (what they consider) a perfect society and see nationalisation as a means of doing that. The Soviets sought to eliminate the private sphere; I think this is more manipulating the private sphere so people agree with you anyway. That having been said, the BNP are more in favour of people having more, smaller (farming) properties and explicitly say they are against expropriation. Taking left-wing policies to extremes does not effectively describe the BNP.

Extreme left wing and extreme right wing are, I think, terms that are more useful because of the word ‘extreme’ rather than the words ‘left’ and ‘right’. To say they are extreme-right brings allegations that all right-wingers are racists and that they are extreme-left that all left-wingers want to control society.

In Denmark, there is a party simply called Venstre, meaning Left. They would be called rightwingers, espousing free market liberalism. They are known as the left because the Danish parliament was originally split between small landowners and large landownders; the former sat on the left, and Venstre are their successors. So far as I know, the issues of small- versus large- landowners are not currently major ones in Denmark. The point is that labels often grow from history, and are not invented to suit the needs of the day. Indeed, the modern terms of left and right come from where people sat in a chamber at the time of the French Revolution. Even if we decide that we must (perhaps for reasons of simplicity) use a single axis, Left-Right as it exists at the moment is not a useful one. Two axes would be more useful (see www.politicalcompass.org) and there’s a case for using more than two.

Usefullness here is in terms of describing them in political science terms and for the use of practical politics.

‘Violent, racist, homophobic, populist Holocaust-deniers’ seems to work.

Question is: what are we doing about it?

xD.

Not in my name

I have just had the misfortune of watching Labour’s Party Election Broadcast for the local elections.

It mentioned not one policy. When I say not one policy, I don’t mean that it refrained from mentioning Labour policies and attacked the policies of other parties. It didn’t even mention the BNP, which even Margaret Hodge seems to think important. No, it had a cartoon chameleon to illustrate that David Cameron changes policy. It wasn’t even funny – it treated watchers as children. I still don’t know if it was some attempt at a joke. I have no objection to negative campaigning – attacking opposition positions is necessary – but this is pathetic. Pathetic, as in deserving of pity because someone thought this would be a good idea.

The basic message of the broadcast was that Labour doesn’t like David Cameron. Firstly, what a surprise; secondly, attacking policies by attacking the person ends up decreasing turnout. Oh, and he calls himself Dave, and should therefore be shot. It does not surprise me that people don’t vote, let alone for Labour, when the best we can do is a cartoon chameleon that doesn’t say anything.

There is a website – davethechameleon.com – but it’s probably worth noting that visiting this site will add to the hit counter of a bloody awful campaign.

Not in my name.

xD.

Constitutions of Continents

Sadly, both Dead Men Left and Hold that Thought are barking up wrong trees when they come to Europe. DML argues for a left no and HtT for a left yes. I’m going to argue, in my usual flaccid and unconvincing style, that left-right issues are not really relevant for the constitution(al treaty) that goes to a referendum this Sunday in the Fifth Republic.

 

Dead Men Left makes a couple of mistakes, IMHO, in his piece. The first is to say

 

“Good Europeans vs. bad Americans is a model all internationalists should noisily reject. To dismiss – at a minimum – the 48% who voted against Bush in November 2004; to dismiss the many historic achievements of the US left; to write off any possibility of change in America that does not depend on external confrontation is to evince a profound, pessimistic conservatism.”

 

DML’s main point is right, but to say that the 48% who didn’t vote for Bush are somehow part of the radical left or even committed to another world is bollocks. They did, after all, vote for John Kerry. You remember. The one who based the personal part of his campaign on being in the military. You might remember which war he was in…

 

Secondly, Mandelson is very well described as oleaginous, but just because he likes something doesn’t make it bad. I am given to understand that he is partial to guacamole, which I consider an entirely reasonable position. The cynical point of view is that he would sell his own grandmother for power. The European Constitution means he doesn’t even have to do that, as it presents him with a lot more power. Now, while Mandelson having more power is probably as close to demonstrably bad as we could come, more power to someone is not necessarily bad. What if Make Poverty History were taken on board by the new common foreign minister as a leitmotif? While it may have become watered down, even Britain will support it and it would improve matters.

 

The point of the constitution is that it raises the stakes. There’s the usual bullshit of pandering to petty nationalism with pointless rhetoric about the EU being not a nation but a family of nations, but beyond that there are two big changes: the common foreign minister and the 1/3 veto.

 

If people are going to scream about the constitution, they might take the time to read it. If 1/3 of national parliaments vote against a European law, it goes back to the Commission. I do not deny that the EU has the potential to ride rough-shod over the European social model. The 1/3 provision means that, particularly given that people would appear to be more willing to participate in non party-politics based campaigns (viz. Make Poverty History, Stop the War, Social Forums &c.), a particularly odious piece of Eurolegislation could be effectively stopped by a concerted, transEuropean campaign.

 

The question should be not ‘does this accord with our political dogma’ but ‘is this good for us as lefties/righties/soggy centrists’. There is no bias inherent in the Constitution that cannot be undone by legislation coming from Brussels; the question is as to what nature this legislation will take if the Constitution is approved.